Cannon Seals the Smith Report, and Washington Calls It Due Process
United States – February 23, 2026 – A judge sealed Jack Smith’s Mar-a-Lago report, and Washington once again mistook secrecy for due process.
I have read enough court orders in fluorescent silence to recognize the sound of a door clicking shut. Paper, toner, courthouse air, and that familiar civic lullaby: this is for your own good.
In Florida, Judge Aileen Cannon has permanently barred the Justice Department from releasing Volume II of former Special Counsel Jack Smith’s final report on the classified-documents investigation tied to President Trump and the Mar-a-Lago case. The order grants requests by Trump and his former co-defendants, Walt Nauta and Carlos De Oliveira. It also bars Attorney General Pam Bondi, and even future attorneys general, from releasing or sharing that volume outside DOJ.
The stated ingredients are real ones: fairness, the presumption of innocence, grand jury secrecy, protective orders. In the right setting, these are bedrock principles. The trouble is the setting is the whole country.
What makes this posture unusual
The underlying criminal case is closed, dismissed, and never reached a verdict. Cannon’s order notes that her July 2024 dismissal rested on her conclusion that Smith’s appointment violated the Constitution’s Appointments Clause, and she also discussed funding issues. With no stay in place, she treats later production of the report as an end-run around her dismissal and the protective order governing discovery.
Meanwhile, the current Justice Department under Bondi opposed public release too, treating the report as privileged and confidential internal work product. Defendants and DOJ rowing the same direction is not a partisan fact. It is a power fact.
The Orwell check: when secrecy gets renamed as constitutional hygiene
The language is soothing: due process, manifest injustice, bedrock principles. The Orwell check asks a simpler question: what action is being taken, and who loses the ability to verify anything?
This is not a temporary delay while a narrow dispute gets sorted. It is a permanent prohibition on release of Volume II outside the Justice Department. That is an information decision with a long tail.
Yes, grand jury secrecy matters. Protective orders matter. Privilege matters. But adult governance is not supposed to be an all-or-nothing choice between sunshine and blackout curtains. We have tools called redaction and independent review.
The Paine test and the liberty ledger
The Paine test is whether the outcome expands liberty for the public or concentrates power for institutions. On one side: people should not be publicly condemned by the government without a trial. On the other: the government can investigate, draft a comprehensive narrative, and then permanently keep that narrative from the citizenry that paid for the investigation. The public gets the bill and not the receipts.
In the liberty ledger: Trump and the co-defendants gain protection from reputational harm from a detailed prosecutorial narrative in a case without a conviction. DOJ gains comfort and confidentiality. The public loses the freedom to evaluate how federal power was used, and the courts lose a measure of trust as the instrument that makes official secrecy feel inevitable.
The tradeoff, and what now
We are buying protection against a government narrative becoming punishment without trial. We are paying with the public’s ability to scrutinize one of the most consequential investigations in modern American politics.
Congress can tighten the special counsel framework so final reports have an expected public-facing component, with mandatory redaction standards and judicial review procedures. Courts can move quickly on pending appeals to clarify boundaries between protective orders, grand jury secrecy, and the public interest when prosecutions end without verdicts. Inspectors general can audit how reports are produced, stored, and handled across administrations. And the press, watchdogs, and citizens can keep demanding structured disclosure rather than accepting the false choice between total release and total silence.
If the government can investigate a president, write up what it found, and then permanently hide it with the blessing of both the defendants and the department, who is this system actually designed to serve?