Author: Brick Tungsten

Brick Tungsten was forged in a Ford F-150 during a Toby Keith guitar solo and baptized in the smoke of a backyard BBQ. A former bass fisherman, amateur theologian, and full-time enemy of tofu, Brick believes America peaked somewhere between the invention of the Budweiser tallboy and Reagan’s first cold stare into the Soviet soul. He doesn’t write columns. He delivers freedom sermons. Each one is a bugle-blast of righteousness straight from the front lines of the culture war—where gender is a science, guns are gospel, and facts are best when cooked medium rare. Brick doesn’t trust the government, but he does trust his gut, his Glock, and the guy who sold him raw milk out of a barn in 2014. He quotes the Constitution like Scripture, Scripture like prophecy, and anything on AM radio like it was beamed straight from Sinai. Every week, he unleashes verbal roundhouse kicks on WOYJO.com—targeting liberal elites, soy-sympathizers, woke kindergarten teachers, and anyone who thinks freedom is optional. His motto? “Live free, grill hard, and don’t apologize.” He has six American flags, one wife (Betsy), two kids named Liberty and Buckshot, and zero regrets.

  • NIH’s 70% HIV Win: Boots on Doors, an App in the Pocket, and Numbers That Hit Like a Tailgate Slam

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I could practically smell the disinfectant and hot printer toner through the TV glow. While the cable-news circus chased shiny objects, NIH quietly dropped a results story that makes a taxpayer sit up straight and thump the bar.

    This is not a feelings report. This is a results report. And it should terrify any bureaucrat who lives on paperwork fumes.

    NIH-backed trial: 70% drop in new HIV infections using community health workers plus digital tools

    On February 24, 2026, NIH released findings from a funded study reporting a 70% reduction in new HIV infections in rural communities in Kenya and Uganda. The approach was almost offensively practical: use community health workers, go door to door, and keep follow-up from falling through the cracks with a phone app compatible with health-ministry systems.

    The findings were presented the same day at CROI 2026 in Denver. NIH’s topline comparison was stark: seven new infections in the intervention communities versus 22 in the control communities, with each group covering about 42,000 people, across 16 rural communities total. That is not a vibe. That is a number you can grill a steak on.

    Semafor reported the same core elements on February 25, 2026: home-based prevention support, app coordination, increased prevention-drug uptake, and that same seven-versus-22 comparison. When the details line up like that, even an AM-radio skeptic has to admit it: something worked.

    The part the deep soy state hates: the plan was simple

    Community health workers offered HIV testing at home. People who tested positive were connected to treatment. People who tested negative but reported risk were guided to prevention, including PrEP and PEP. The app helped health workers and clinicians stay synced for follow-up and delivery.

    • Timeframe: ran over two years starting in 2023
    • Population: people aged 15 and older in those communities
    • Feasibility: NIH reported most workers and participants found it easy to implement, even though many community health workers had little smartphone experience beforehand

    The “wake up, Washington” stat: prevention uptake jumped about fourfold

    NIH measured biomedical prevention use (like PrEP or PEP) among adults without HIV in the prior six months. Control communities: 0.41%. Intervention communities: 1.67%. About a fourfold increase.

    NIH also reported HIV treatment and viral suppression were already high in both groups, suggesting the added prevention uptake on top of strong treatment helped drive the reduction in new infections.

    My take: fund results, not sermons

    NIH pointed to this as a model that could help other countries, including the United States. So here’s the challenge: if door-to-door testing, tailored counseling, clinical linkage, and prevention delivery can be coordinated in rural settings with local workers and a straightforward app, why do our systems so often act like a busted tailgate on a perfectly good truck?

  • DOJ Put New Jersey’s Sanctuary Padlock on the Grill

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I knew what kind of day it was the second I caught that classic courthouse blend: burnt coffee, printer toner, and political panic. That is the smell you get when a state tries to act like the bouncer at a federal law nightclub, then looks stunned when the Constitution shows up with steel-toe boots.

    DOJ sues New Jersey over an order that limits ICE arrests on state property

    On February 24, 2026, the U.S. Department of Justice filed a lawsuit against the State of New Jersey and Governor Mikie Sherrill over New Jersey’s Executive Order No. 12, arguing it interferes with federal immigration enforcement.

    As described by DOJ and reported by the Associated Press, the order restricts federal immigration agents from making arrests in nonpublic areas of state property like correctional facilities and courthouses. It also bars the use of state property for staging or processing immigration enforcement actions.

    This is not a vibes debate. This is the federal government saying you do not get to hang a velvet rope across federal enforcement and call it “public safety.”

    Bondi brought a lawsuit, not a polite request

    And yes, I will give credit where it is due. Attorney General Pam Bondi is not whispering. She is reading the fine print out loud and letting a judge decide whether New Jersey’s restrictions cross the line.

    What New Jersey’s order does, in plain English

    Picture your backyard smoker. You can label areas however you want, but when the job is lawful and necessary, you cannot just point at a sign that says “nonpublic” and pretend that changes reality.

    • DOJ’s claim: the order blocks what DOJ describes as secure arrests in nonpublic areas of state property, including state correctional facilities.
    • AP’s reporting: courthouses are also part of the mix.
    • Practical effect: make controlled, secure enforcement harder, then act surprised when enforcement becomes messier elsewhere.

    It is like banning a mechanic from working in the garage, then complaining when the truck gets fixed on the shoulder of I-95 in the rain.

    New Jersey’s response: “public safety,” plus training talk

    Governor Sherrill’s defense, per AP, is that the order enhances public safety and that the federal government should focus on better training for ICE agents. Fine. Train them. But training is not the same thing as a state rewriting the operational map inside state facilities.

    New Jersey’s acting attorney general, Jennifer Davenport, called the lawsuit a waste of federal resources and said the state will defend the order, according to AP.

    The bigger question: one rulebook, or fifty?

    DOJ is effectively arguing a basic civics point: states may not obstruct the federal government’s lawful operations. If every state can build its own tripwires around federal immigration enforcement, welcome to the United States of Patchwork, where the law is a menu and the system runs on permanent courtroom drama.

    Either federal law is federal, or it is performance art. Pick one.

  • Case-Shiller Says Prices Cooled. The Swamp Wants You to Clap While Affordability Still Burns

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I can smell it before I can spreadsheet it: that scorched stink of a dream getting slow-roasted. A couple stares at a mortgage calculator like it is a horror flick. A renter opens a landlord email like it is a summons. The market feels like a tailgate where the burgers are sizzling, but somebody padlocked the cooler and started charging admission to breathe.

    Case-Shiller: 1.3% annual gain in December 2025

    S&P Dow Jones Indices released the December 2025 S&P Cotality Case-Shiller data. The national home price index was up 1.3% year over year in December, down from 1.4% in November. In Brick Tungsten language: the fever broke a little, but you are still sweating through your shirt.

    From June 2025 onward, inflation outpaced home price appreciation. So even when home prices cool, the rest of the cost-of-living bonfire keeps chewing through paychecks like a pit bull with a boot.

    Month to month, the pre-seasonally adjusted national index dipped 0.3% in December. Not a crash. More like reality tapping the hood and asking why the American Dream now needs an application fee.

    Do not pop champagne. A slower punch still lands

    The swamp loves a headline like “cooling.” They want a ribbon-cutting, a victory lap, and a panel segment. But if a truck is only sliding off the icy road at 10 mph instead of 60, you still end up in the ditch. You just get more time to watch it happen.

    City scoreboard: hot spots, hangovers, and red-tape comedy

    • Chicago and New York led with gains above 5%.
    • Tampa, Phoenix, Dallas, and Miami logged some of the steepest declines among markets that ended the year in negative territory.
    • Detroit did not have a valid December update in this release due to transaction recording delays in Wayne County.

    That last one is the most American sentence on the grill: we are measuring the biggest asset most families ever touch, and the paperwork cannot get recorded on time. Bureaucracy never runs out of stock.

    What America needs is not a seminar. It needs houses

    Here is the F-150 logic, clear through the AM-radio crackle: if homes are too expensive, you either build more homes or you accept the middle class gets squeezed until it squeals. Everything else is PowerPoint.

    Yes, the national number cooled to a 1.3% annual gain. Now the real test is whether the people who run this place stop worshipping scarcity and start acting like housing is for Americans, not just portfolios.

  • DC Circuit Smells the $20B Green-Bank Smoke and Starts Asking Adult Questions

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I could smell it before I even turned the AM radio up. That special Washington odor: burnt paperwork, cold coffee, and other people’s money sweating in the sun like cheap burgers at a city council picnic.

    On February 25, 2026, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit took a long whiff of the $20 billion Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund fight and started asking the kind of questions any working American asks when the bill hits the table: who ordered this, who is eating it, and why am I paying for it?

    What the court was grilling

    Reporting on the hearing described hours of argument over the Trump administration’s move to cancel contracts tied to the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, a roughly $20 billion Biden-era clean energy financing program often described as a “green bank.”

    • The nonprofits’ position: groups selected to run parts of the program, including Climate United Fund, say the money was already awarded and placed into accounts at Citibank for their use, and that the government had no right to freeze it.
    • The Trump EPA’s position: the agency argues it had authority to pull the plug and that the dispute belongs in a different court that handles contract money claims, not in a district court where judges can order agencies to do things.
    • What lit up the panel: judges pressed the government about what looked like shifting explanations for freezing and terminating the grants, including early accusations like fraud and waste that were not backed up in earlier filings, followed by a heavier emphasis on broader oversight concerns.

    No final ruling dropped that day. This was the court doing what courts are supposed to do: pop the hood, shine the flashlight, and make both sides point to the actual bolts.

    The brisket analogy, because of course

    In F-150 language: America was told “we’re buying a brisket for the neighborhood,” and Washington bought a whole trailer of mystery meat, handed the keys to nonprofits, and parked it at Citibank. Now everyone is arguing over who controls the cooler and which court can tell the cook to open the lid.

    The fact the appeals court went en banc, with the full active court taking the case, is a big, flashing sign that this is not small potatoes.

    What this fight really means

    This is not just a legal fight. It is a power fight: whether an administration can unwind the last crew’s wiring without getting sued into paralysis, and whether recipients can run to court and force the executive branch to keep the spigot open.

    My standard is simple and boring: if the program is as clean and transparent as the brochures, it can survive a real audit and real courtroom heat. And if it cannot, then it was never about the climate. It was about the sauce.

  • Trump Lit the Import Grill: 10% Surcharge, 150 Days, and the Swamp Starts Squealing

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I could smell it before I read it: that soft, boardroom panic rising off the docks and the executive suites. Not the honest kind of panic, like when your brisket runs hot. This is the panic of people who got rich outsourcing America and assumed the bill would never hit the table.

    What actually happened: a 10% temporary import surcharge

    President Trump is imposing a 10% temporary import surcharge under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974. It took effect on February 24, 2026, runs for 150 days, and the clock points to July 24, 2026. It is an extra duty layered on top of whatever normal tariff schedule already applied.

    Exemptions and a transit window (yes, the fine print matters)

    This is a broad net, but it is not blind. The proclamation spells out exemptions for economic and supply reasons, including:

    • Energy and energy products
    • Pharmaceuticals and ingredients
    • Certain electronics
    • Certain vehicles and parts
    • Certain aerospace products
    • Information materials
    • Goods that enter duty free under USMCA for Canada and Mexico

    There is also a short window for certain goods already in transit. If it was on the water before the switch flipped and gets entered quickly, it can dodge the new bite. That is what governing looks like: deadlines, carve-outs, and real-world timing.

    The Court slammed one door, Trump grabbed another tool

    This lands after the Supreme Court ruled 6-3 against the administration’s earlier IEEPA tariff scheme, rejecting the idea that an emergency law is a magic wand for permanent taxation. Trump pivoted fast to Section 122, and the U.S. Trade Representative has been openly discussing that Section 122 is a temporary bridge while other trade authorities and investigations remain on the table.

    Yes, there is fog about whether the rate could go higher later. Section 122 can go up to 15%. But the rate that took effect on February 24 is 10%.

    Who squeals first?

    The offshore club and their Wall Street babysitters hate this. Small business reality is messier: a 10% surcharge can pinch if your inputs are imported and margins are tight. But the old model was also a slow choke of foreign dependencies, where one shipping hiccup or geopolitical tantrum turns your inventory into a ghost story.

    China competition is not a spreadsheet

    This is not a coupon debate. It is competition with a nation-state that uses industrial policy like a crowbar: subsidies, forced technology transfer, non-tariff barriers, currency games, and flooding markets until competitors choke. Tariffs are not the whole answer, but Section 122 is being used like a temporary torque wrench: tighten, stabilize, then move to longer-term fixes.

    Me, I will take a loud policy with a deadline over a quiet surrender with a memo.

  • CBP Flipped the Midnight Switch on a 10% Import Surcharge, and the Grift Machine Felt the Heat

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I smelled it before I finished the first paragraph. That hot, metallic policy scent, like somebody lifted the grill lid and the whole block turned its head. The trade class loves to argue on cable. CBP just made them do math.

    CBP starts collecting a temporary 10% Section 122 import surcharge

    U.S. Customs and Border Protection issued formal guidance through its Cargo Systems Messaging Service (CSMS) explaining how the new Section 122 duties work. The headline is simple: an additional 10% ad valorem duty applies to imported articles of every country for 150 days, unless specifically exempt. CBP ties it to the President’s February 20, 2026 proclamation under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974.

    • Rate: 10% ad valorem (additional duty)
    • Scope: imported articles of every country, unless exempt
    • Duration: 150 days (unless Congress extends it)

    The clock matters: start time and end time

    CBP laid out the timing like a referee with a whistle. The additional duty applies to goods entered for consumption, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after 12:01 a.m. Eastern Standard Time on February 24, 2026. It runs through 12:01 a.m. Eastern Daylight Time on July 24, 2026.

    That is not a vibe. That is a timestamp. And a timestamp is where the professional class stops giving speeches and starts filing entries.

    This is Section 122: temporary by design

    The proclamation itself points to what Section 122 allows: up to 15% ad valorem for a period not exceeding 150 days unless Congress extends it. So this surcharge is built to be time-boxed, not eternal, and CBP’s job is to turn that proclamation into headings, codes, exemptions, and instructions that actually move cargo through the system.

    Exemptions, carve-outs, and the complexity underneath

    CBP’s guidance includes exemptions and special categories. It also reflects how layered the tariff system already is, with other authorities and programs in the background, including Sections 232 and 301. CBP also described a narrow in-transit exception for certain goods already loaded and moving before the clock struck, with a short window for entry.

    What it means in the real world

    Tariffs can raise the cost of imported goods. The live question is what leverage gets purchased with that pain, and who benefited most from the old setup. This is a blunt tool, and blunt tools are not cute. They are used when someone wants negotiations to happen while the engine is still hot.

    Now watch the next five months: the business world will demand clarity, politicians will posture, and the swamp will try to turn a temporary hammer into a permanent loophole factory.

    America is not a shopping mall. CBP just put a start time and an end time on a national tool, and the paper-pushers are going to test whether the country means it.

  • Trump’s 108-Minute State of the Union: A Brisket-Length Blast at the Swamp

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I could smell it through the TV, like hickory rolling off a tailgate grill. The Capitol always gets that glossy, nervous look when somebody shows up ready to talk plain and swing a sledgehammer at Washington’s sacred idols: committees, consultants, and the professional hand-wringers who treat your paycheck like a shared buffet.

    Trump delivers a record-length 2026 State of the Union

    On February 24, 2026, President Donald Trump walked into that chamber and did what Trump does: took up the whole room and the whole hour like an F-150 idling with the stereo tuned to Constitution FM. The White House posted the full address as his 2026 State of the Union, and the Associated Press published the complete transcript, so nobody has to live off the usual cable-news “highlights” and pearl-clutching summaries.

    Multiple outlets clocked the speech at 108 minutes. That is not “a little long.” That is brisket time. Low and slow, and it makes swamp critters fidget.

    Why 108 minutes mattered

    The press wants the runtime to be the whole story, like America can’t handle a president with lungs. But the length is the tell: he was trying to put the whole menu on the table, not slide a garnish past voters while lobbyists eat the steak in the back.

    The policy menu he put on the table

    Per the AP transcript, Trump ran through familiar pillars and pitched branded ideas and proposals, including:

    • Economy, taxes, immigration enforcement, and energy posture.
    • A patriotic frame tied to America nearing its 250th birthday.
    • Tax cuts and “Trump Accounts” for kids, framed as savings for the next generation.
    • A proposed $1,776 “warrior dividend” for service members.

    Why the villains started hollering

    Every big American sermon draws a villain. Here it was the Permanent Washington machine: bureaucrats, consultants, think tank interns with dead eyes, and media hall monitors who want to fact-check your spirit right out of your body. The incentive is power and control, with a side of career preservation.

    So when Trump pushed national voter ID requirements and proof of citizenship for federal elections, you could hear the deep soy state drop its latte. And when he leaned into culture-war and parental-rights territory, including a call to prohibit transitioning minors without parental consent (as described in the AP transcript), regular families noticed.

    My bar-stool takeaway

    This wasn’t a lullaby. It was a torque wrench aimed at Congress and a flare for the 2026 midterms: a public checklist, in daylight. When the grill gets hot, the folks sneaking burgers behind the shed start complaining about the smoke.

  • Equal Time, Unequal Courage: CBS Panics, Senate Dems Posture, and the FCC Holds the Remote

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I smelled it before I heard it: that hot electrical tang of studio panic, like someone dropped a fork in the fryer and called it “standards.” Nothing makes a corporate legal department sweat faster than a federal regulator clearing his throat and tapping the rulebook.

    Blumenthal demands records after CBS balks at airing the Colbert interview

    This story is not really about a comedian, or a Texas Democrat, or the sacred late-night monologue. It is about who gets to own the switchboard when speech becomes a bargaining chip.

    On February 23, 2026, Sen. Richard Blumenthal sent a letter to Paramount Skydance CEO David Ellison demanding records and information about why Stephen Colbert’s planned interview with Texas U.S. Senate candidate James Talarico did not air on CBS broadcast. He also asked what communications Paramount had with the FCC or the White House about it, and he set a response deadline of March 6, 2026. Translation: Washington wants receipts.

    The FCC dusted off Section 315 and network lawyers reached for the fainting couch

    The actual meat on the grill is the FCC’s reminder about the statutory equal opportunities requirement for broadcast television. The FCC’s Media Bureau issued a public notice on January 21, 2026 (DA 26-68) about Section 315. If a broadcast station lets one legally qualified candidate “use” its airwaves, it has to provide equal opportunity to the other legally qualified candidates for that office.

    The notice also pushes back on the cozy assumption that late-night and daytime talk shows automatically qualify for a bona fide news interview exemption. It says exemptions are fact specific, states the FCC has not been presented with evidence that the interview portion of any current late-night or daytime talk show would qualify, and warns that programming motivated by partisan purposes would not be entitled to an exemption.

    So the interview went to YouTube, where the FCC does not patrol the door

    Colbert said his show was told not to air the interview on CBS broadcast out of fear of triggering the FCC rule. CBS said it did not prohibit airing it, but provided legal guidance that it could create equal-opportunities obligations and offered compliance options. The practical worry was straightforward: air one candidate, and you may have to offer comparable time to others.

    Then came the modern workaround: the segment was posted to YouTube instead of airing on broadcast, because YouTube is not a broadcast licensee.

    Blumenthal smells a favor economy and wants to know who blinked

    Blumenthal frames the episode as censorship and questions whether Paramount would silence content to curry favor while pursuing corporate deals that may face regulatory scrutiny. He asks who decided to comply with the FCC’s posture instead of challenging it, and he wants the communications trail. In plain English: who called who, who flinched, and what was the trade?

    What it means: speech by permission, courage by subcontract

    This is the American circus in one ring: regulators can shape behavior without writing a ticket, and corporate counsel can self-censor without admitting it. Meanwhile, politicians who cheered censorship in other contexts suddenly discover a First Amendment spine when the squeeze hits their side. If the emails exist, let them come out. Just stop pretending the only censorship that matters is the kind that inconveniences a celebrity on TV.

  • Heinrich vs. Prediction Markets: The Swamp Smells a Free Bet

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I smelled it before I finished the first paragraph: burnt coffee, cold carpet, and that frantic DC perfume called control. The hall monitors are back, diving into the kiddie pool because Americans are splashing too loud.

    Heinrich tells the CFTC: clamp down, stay out, protect state and Tribal authority

    On February 24, 2026, Sen. Martin Heinrich released news of a letter he sent to Commodity Futures Trading Commission Chairman Michael Selig. Heinrich urges Selig to uphold what he describes as the CFTC policy against unlicensed gambling through prediction markets, including wagers tied to sporting events.

    He also pushes the argument through a familiar gate: protecting state and Tribal authority. In other words, he wants the federal ref to enforce a line that keeps sports-linked prediction markets from operating as gambling products outside state and Tribal control.

    Meanwhile, the feds are not exactly “staying out”

    Reporting says Selig has confirmed the CFTC is filing amicus briefs, friend-of-the-court support, as states go after prediction market platforms. Arizona regulators have issued cease-and-desist orders aimed at platforms they say are running unauthorized event wagering.

    That is the fault line in plain terms: states say “this is gambling,” while the CFTC treats it like federally regulated turf.

    This isn’t just safety talk. It’s a whistle fight

    My brisket-flipping blood pressure spikes when officials act like this is purely about “protecting the integrity of sports.” If the goal is consumer protection, then spell it out clearly: age limits, integrity monitoring, insider rules, reporting obligations, and fraud enforcement. But when the messaging turns into a jurisdictional wrestling match, it starts looking like somebody is guarding a revenue stream.

    Follow the money (because it always knows the scoreboard)

    Heinrich’s own write-up says the prediction market industry has received significant private investment, and it points to Donald Trump Jr. having financial and advisory roles tied to major platforms. Trump Jr. was announced as a strategic advisor to Kalshi, and reporting has also tied him to an advisory role at Polymarket after an investment by his venture fund.

    My F-150 verdict: write the rules, enforce them, let Americans play

    If states and Tribes need protection, build a framework that actually protects them and the public. If the CFTC wants authority, show it comes with real guardrails, not just press releases and courtroom paperwork. Set clear standards, punish cheating, and stop treating sports fans like toddlers who cannot be trusted with a yes-or-no contract and a little adrenaline.

  • SCOTUS Just Threw a Match Into the Boulder Climate Lawsuit Barrel

    ByBrick Tungsten

    I could smell it before I read it: that warmed-over sanctimony like somebody tried to slow-smoke a stack of legal briefs next to my brisket and called it “public service.” The vibe where your pickup is a sin and your electric bill is somebody’s new revenue stream.

    Well tighten the lid on the sauce. The U.S. Supreme Court just grabbed the collar of this climate-lawsuit rodeo.

    Supreme Court grants review in Suncor v. Boulder County climate damages lawsuit

    On February 23, 2026, the Supreme Court granted the petition in Suncor Energy (U.S.A.) Inc., et al. v. County Commissioners of Boulder County, et al., the Boulder-area lawsuit trying to pin climate-change costs on oil and gas companies.

    And the Court didn’t stop at “we’ll take a look.” It also ordered briefing on an extra question: whether the Court even has statutory and Article III jurisdiction to hear the case right now. Translation in F-150 language: before the engine revs, the justices want to confirm they’re even on the right track.

    The companies argue these claims shouldn’t be run through a patchwork of state courts trying to regulate a global issue. Boulder and other local governments say they need money for climate-related damages and want the cases to stay in state court. Across these lawsuits, the money demanded is described in the billions.

    The trial-lawyer brisket line: follow the smoke to the cash

    Here’s the core fight: not just “who pays,” but “who sets the rules.” The climate-litigation complex wants 50 different legal grills running at 50 different temperatures, because inconsistency is leverage. It’s easier to squeeze settlements when the target can’t get a single, clear national rule.

    And no, this isn’t me wearing a “Big Oil Fan Club” hat. It’s Big Common Sense. If your plan for climate policy is to let a local judge effectively steer national energy rules through tort law, you’re not governing. You’re cosplay in a robe.

    Climate science is real. Weather is not your feelings. But climate litigation isn’t science. It’s persuasion, and sometimes performance art. A jury isn’t peer review. Cross-examination isn’t replication. Courts love clean stories even when the real world is messy, multi-causal, and spread across decades, borders, and billions of decisions by consumers, governments, and industry together.

    EPA pulled a giant lever too, and the lawsuits are colliding with regulation

    Now add lighter fluid: the Environmental Protection Agency says it finalized a rescission of the 2009 greenhouse gas endangerment finding on February 12, 2026, along with repealing greenhouse gas emissions standards for light-, medium-, and heavy-duty on-highway vehicles and engines. The EPA calls it the largest deregulatory action in U.S. history and claims savings of over $1.3 trillion.

    So the regulatory map is shifting while the litigation map is heating up. If the federal government steps back from one regulatory theory, do state and local governments try to fill the vacuum through lawsuits? Or does federal law still slam the door on that state-by-state workaround?

    What it means for America

    This is bigger than a niche Colorado squabble. It’s a test of whether America makes national policy through elected lawmakers and clear federal rules, or through a thousand lawsuit darts aimed at the biggest balance sheet. You can’t run a superpower on settlement checks and courtroom climate taxes.

    Now pass the tongs and let the justices do what they do. If Boulder wants to run national energy policy from a state courtroom, why stop there? Should my local softball umpire start regulating the Federal Reserve too?

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